From: Juliette Beck (juliette@globalexchange.org)
Date: Mon Dec 03 2001 - 22:19:42 EST
Please make the call and forward to everyone you can think of - this is
urgent.
FAST TRACK - HR 3005 is scheduled for a vote on Thursday, December 6th. The
AFL-CIO has called for a national call-in day on Tuesday, December 4th.
1-800 393-1082 is the AFL-CIO toll free number. With your zipcode you can be
connected to the office of your Congressional Representative.
Fast Track, now being called Trade Promotion Authority, is the mechanism
that is used to prevent Congress from amending trade deals negotiated by the
White House. This effectively cuts the public out of the process and is why
trade pacts like NAFTA and the WTO favor corporate interests above all
others.
The vote will be very close, and the White House and business lobbies are
twisting arms like crazy. The way we counter this backroom deal-making is
for each and every one of us to make the call to our Representative. Ask to
speak to the staff person who handles trade, and ask for a written response
(this helps ensure that your call is counted). Calling the district number
for your member is a good idea too.
What to Say?
FAST TRACK does not adequately protect labor rights or environmental laws.
There is less for labor and environmental concerns in this version than in
the last one that expired in 1994.
FAST TRACK is what was used to push NAFTA through Congress, and the
protections that were added onto NAFTA for labor and the environment don't
work. NAFTA's Chapter 11 puts corporations above the laws of the US,
allowing them to sue in secret tribunals for lost potential profits - and is
how corporations are attacking environmental laws in California - and the
corporations are winning!
FAST TRACK is set to spread the failed NAFTA disaster to the entire Western
Hemisphere: FTAA (Free Trade Area of the Americas) - don't make this grave
mistake twice!
GET ON THE PHONE, FORWARD THIS EMAIL - We can win on Thursday, but we have
to mobilize and remind our Congressmembers that they work for us, not the
corporations that want to export jobs and pollution!
Below are two articles detailing the ugly politics in play with this vote -
please stay informed and keep calling until Fast Track is defeated once
again.
More Information:
www.globalexchange.org/fasttrack/
___________________________________
GOP Makes Pitch for High-Tech Donors
House Leaders Push Trade Vote in Bid to Erode Sector's Support for Democrats
By Juliet Eilperin
Washington Post Staff Writer
Sunday, December 2, 2001; Page A04
At a recent closed-door meeting of House GOP leaders, Rep. Thomas M. Davis
III (Va.) made an unusual proposal: that they press ahead with a vote on
trade negotiating authority this year even if they lack the votes to pass
it.
Davis argued that a trade vote -- which is scheduled for Thursday -- would
be worth the gamble. The legislation would give the president enhanced
authority to strike agreements with foreign nations, achieving one of
President Bush's legislative priorities, and a vote would force Democrats to
choose between competing constituencies. But, more important for the
Republicans, the battle over the bill serves their broader goal of driving a
wedge between Democrats and the country's high-tech community.
Despite the recent implosion of many Internet-related businesses, Democrats
and Republicans have continued to flock to the West Coast in an effort to
solidify their ties to the technology sector. Rick White, a former GOP
lawmaker who heads the Palo Alto-based trade association TechNet, said his
group had hosted dozens of lawmakers in recent weeks.
"The industry is very much up for grabs," White said, adding that Democrats
and Republicans alike had come to listen to the concerns of high-tech chief
executive officers. "Frankly, both of them have been pretty eager to help
us, and that's the way we want it."
Unlike other corporate sectors, which give disproportionately to
Republicans, high-tech America has divided its money fairly evenly between
the two parties in recent years. In the 2000 election, the industry gave at
least $4.4 million to House Democrats and $4 million to House Republicans,
according to the Center for Responsive Politics. This year, House Democrats
-- who trail the GOP significantly in total money raised -- have outpaced
Republicans in high-tech contributions, raising at least $940,000 to the
GOP's $400,000.
Technology companies are also unlike many American corporations in that they
tend to be run by their founders, many of whom are liberal Democrats. While
they favor the trade bill as a way of opening up foreign markets, they are
often equally interested in education, environmental and privacy policies.
"They're going to make judgments based on how's the economy, how's the
investment in education, and what are the freedoms to create, not only
technically but entrepreneurially," said John Gage, chief researcher for Sun
Microsystems and a Democratic donor.
Davis, whose Northern Virginia district includes a slew of technology
companies, has been on a three-year crusade to bring the industry into the
Republican fold. He acknowledged that former president Bill Clinton was
extraordinarily effective in tapping high-tech donors but suggested that
such donors may reevaluate their giving now that they're relying on
Democrats such as House Minority Leader Richard A. Gephardt (Mo.).
"A tech guy who wants a Democratic House and is voting for Dick Gephardt is
like a chicken voting for Colonel Sanders," Davis said.
The vote on the trade bill will force undecided Democrats to take a stand on
an issue that pits export-oriented industries such as high tech against
organized labor, one of the party's most reliable allies. Bill Samuels,
legislative director for the AFL-CIO, said rank-and-file union members had
already toured members' districts and conducted sit-ins at congressional
offices in opposition to the bill.
"When Republicans and business leaders talk about trade, the reaction of
workers is immediate and visceral," Samuels said. "It is not difficult to
get people to work on this issue in the field."
Davis is hoping to capitalize on this schism. "This will be a dividing
line," he predicted. "It will have significant fundraising ramifications" in
Silicon Valley.
Early last month, Davis brought roughly 10 Republicans to tour high-tech
operations in California's Silicon Valley and San Diego. The trip included a
$300,000 fundraiser at the home of a top Oracle executive and breakfast with
more than a dozen San Diego-based companies at the headquarters of Qualcomm
Inc.
"Some people who were thinking in terms of social issues realized
Republicans are really focused on issues that matter to them," said Rep.
Chris Cannon (R-Utah), who went on the tour.
The lawmakers particularly targeted Qualcomm founder Irwin Jacobs, a
prominent Democrat and Clinton ally who supports trade promotion authority
as a way of expanding his company's business in China.
"They're stringing you along," Davis said he told Jacobs, referring to the
Democrats. "They're never going to vote with you."
Jacobs -- who has personally lobbied several Democrats to support trade
legislation -- said he had been impressed with the commitment of GOP
lawmakers, such as California Rep. Randy "Duke" Cunningham, to helping his
industry. "He was more knowledgeable and more helpful than I really would
have anticipated," Jacobs said.
But when pressed, Jacobs declined to say whether he would withhold campaign
contributions from Democrats who voted against the trade bill. "We try to be
balanced," he said, adding that he hopes lawmakers can reach "a reasonable
compromise" before the bill comes to the floor.
And even as the trade vote looms, House Democrats are mining the high-tech
community for cash. This weekend Gephardt and incoming Minority Whip Nancy
Pelosi (Calif.) are attending a fundraiser in California Rep. Anna G.
Eshoo's Santa Clara home that is expected to raise $400,000. A little more
than a week later, Gephardt will be feted by America Online executives in a
Northern Virginia fundraiser expected to bring in $250,000.
Eshoo said the trade bill "has never come up once" in her conversations with
donors and constituents.
And Eshoo, along with other Democrats who traditionally support free trade,
say they are unwilling to support such a measure until Congress addresses
the more pressing problem of the unemployed. Qualcomm is a major employer in
California Rep. Susan Davis's district, and the congresswoman speaks to
Jacobs about trade nearly every week now. But she remains on the fence when
it comes to enhanced negotiating authority for the president.
"I am certainly not opposed to trade. It makes lots of sense for the small
businesses in San Diego, as well as the large businesses," Davis said. "But
you really have to ask the question whether it is so critical that we do
this before other issues."
Staff researcher Madonna Lebling contributed to this report.
© 2001 The Washington Post Company
___________________________
CongressDaily, November 28, 2001
-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-
TRADE
Trade Advocates Mount Campaign For Votes
Supporters of presidential trade negotiating authority are
preparing an intensive three-pronged campaign this week--
involving communications, whipping and coalitions--to build
support for the controversial trade bill heading to the floor
next week.
A spokesman for House Majority Leader Armey said the
communications campaign will mobilize pro-trade House members and
grassroots allies to target undecided House members and the
media.
"The strategy is clear: Communicate the importance of trade,"
the Armey spokesman said. "A vote for trade promotion authority
is a vote for job security."
Armey aides are now meeting daily with House Republican
Conference Chairman J.C. Watts of Oklahoma, Ways and Means
Chairman Thomas and Rules Chairman Dreier.
The Bush administration is planning to weigh into the trade
debate publicly beginning Thursday and to become increasingly
vocal through next week's vote. Commerce Secretary Evans,
Agriculture Secretary Veneman and Trade Representative Zoellick
will play leading roles in the public campaign.
Republican leadership sources said the whipping is focusing on
GOP members who represent districts with significant steel,
textile or labor constituencies, while a handful of Republicans
remain in the whip list's "other" category.
House Majority Whip DeLay said Tuesday he was actively
"growing the vote" and working with undecided blocs, "taking care
of members' problems."
"We'll be very focused on TPA this week and next week," DeLay
said. Asked about the bill's prospects, DeLay said, "I think
we'll do all right."
Armey said Tuesday that next Thursday's date for floor
consideration would force uncommitted members finally to take a
position on the trade issue.
Armey, who has long pushed for a floor vote, said trade
proponents missed a chance during the 1997 debate on what was
known then as fast track. House leaders had scheduled a vote but
pulled the bill when they did not appear to have the votes.
"We never put it on the floor. We never tested the
proposition," Armey said, adding that GOP leaders this time
support scheduling the date. "I've got nothing but green lights."
In an effort to help persuade lawmakers to vote for the
measure, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and other business groups
are back on the air with radio ads in more than 20 targeted
districts, according to business sources. "We're running positive
yet pointed ads with the message of opening up markets for our
goods," said one business source.
The source said about 12-15 Democrats now support the
legislation. But the source added that business groups would
oppose efforts to expand language on labor and the environment in
the legislation.
"Democrats are feeling out how committed the business
community is to the labor and environment provisions [in the
Thomas bill]," the source said. The answer is, `very committed.'
That's a ceiling for us, not a floor. It's not in play."
Frank Vargo of the National Association of Manufacturers said
about 60 members' votes were in play and noted that the business
community was making a "maximum effort" to secure votes.
But he acknowledged that the vote count had not changed since
GOP leaders set the Dec. 6 date for a floor vote.
"There's no incentive for them to declare now," Vargo said.
"People don't want to commit. But we have not seen any increase
in the number of people flatly saying no."
On the other side of the issue, a labor official said the
unions have not gone back on the air with ads opposing the
legislation, although they have sent out word to local affiliates
that a vote is imminent.
"We will do whatever it takes," the official said. "People can
count on a strong and vigorous campaign on our part."
An ongoing CongressDaily survey of House members on the trade
bill approved by the Ways and Means Committee shows no spike in
support. Opponents edged ahead of supporters among those who have
taken a position.
Zoellick weighed in on the debate Tuesday, expressing
frustration that farm belt legislators had not shown more support
for trade negotiating authority.
"The nature of American trade politics is that you need to
organize those who have an interest in trade," Zoellick said. He
added that it is "extremely frustrating" that "American
agriculture lives" through trade, but that the importance of
trade is "not represented in statements on the Hill."
Zoellick's comments came after a briefing on the trade
ministerial meeting in Doha, Qatar, that launched a new round of
trade talks earlier this month.
Asked about House members linking their support for trade
negotiating authority to the administration's support for the
farm bill, Zoellick said the White House "at the end of the year"
would note what linkages are necessary to get legislation passed,
but listed trade adjustment assistance, the economic stimulus
package and unemployment legislation before he mentioned the farm
bill as a measure that could be linked to trade negotiating
authority.
Meanwhile, Public Citizen's Global Trade Watch Director Lori
Wallach said groups opposed to presidential trade negotiating
authority are confident that Republicans lack the votes to pass
the Thomas bill.
She said labor and environmental groups would stay engaged in
the next few weeks, but she is confident the bill cannot pass.
She doubted that President Bush would have the time needed to
strong-arm undecided Republicans--even if that was seen as the
only chance for passing the bill.
She also contended that the launch of a new trade round by the
World Trade Organization would probably mean that more
Republicans from agricultural and textile states would vote no on
the trade bill.
"I would say it is the final nail in the coffin, but the
coffin was largely nailed shut already," she said.
Thomas said he disagreed with that analysis, noting that the
launch of a new round would enable the administration to make a
more specific case for what it can achieve in future trade
agreements.
House Agriculture Chairman Combest has not decided one way or
another on trade negotiating authority, based on WTO
developments, said his spokesman.
However, a spokesman for a Republican member from a textile-
producing state acknowledged that extension of the Andean Trade
Preferences Act last week would compel that member, and perhaps a
few other textile state legislators, to oppose the trade bill. --
By Mark Wegner, with Charlie Mitchell, Stephen Norton and Jerry
Hagstrom contributing
-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-
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